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Jim Moran’s A Moran When It Comes To Smithsonian Ethnic Museums

National Museum of the American IndianVia the ever-awesome Ta-Nehisi Coates, I see that my esteemed Congressman, Jim Moran, has managed to offend yet another ethnic group:

Seven years after opening its National Museum of the American Indian, and four years before the scheduled unveiling of its museum of African-American history, the Smithsonian Institution is being urged to create another ethnic museum on the National Mall, this one to recognize the history and contributions of Latino Americans…

“I don’t want a situation,” said Representative Jim Moran, a Democrat from Virginia, “where whites go to the original museum, African-Americans go to the African-American museum, Indians go to the Indian museum, Hispanics go to the Latino American museum. That’s not America.”

The discussion in TNC’s comments thread has been focusing mostly on whether Moran in this case was speaking from a philosophically defensible point of view (a desire to avoid Balkanizing the Smithsonian’s audience), or from plain old fear of brown hordes overrunning the National Mall. Having lived in Moran’s district for almost ten years now, I don’t find those discussions very interesting, just because at this point every ethnic group in America should know that at some point Jim Moran is going to say something stupid about them. It’s part of the American Experience.

So trying to read Jim Moran’s mind isn’t a particularly fruitful line of thought.  What might be fruitful, however, is to look at actual data to see if his fears are grounded in reality, no matter where they come from.  In other words, do ethnic museums only attract the people whose stories they tell, or don’t they?  That’s a question that has more bearing on the subject of whether there should be a Latino museum than Jim Moran’s state of mind does.  I left a comment at TNC’s place digging into this question, but since it’s of general interest I thought I’d post the figures here as well.

Thankfully, on this subject, we don’t have to rely on reading the minds of notoriously gaffe-prone people such as Rep. Moran, because we actually have data.

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Passages: Tim Hetherington

Tim Hetherington

Tim Hetherington. Photo by Justin Hoch.

Tragic news from Libya: photojournalist Tim Hetherington was killed yesterday while covering a battle between government forces and rebels in the city of Misrata, along with a colleague, Getty Images photographer Chris Hondros.

If Hetherington’s name sounds familiar, it’s probably because he was the director of Restrepo, a documentary released last year that followed a platoon of American soldiers for one year as they fought their way through Afghanistan’s Korengal Valley.

To make that movie, Hetherington and his crew embedded with the platoon for the entire year.  The result was a real treasure; an observant, insightful document of a kind that doesn’t come around very often. Restrepo was widely praised as one of 2010’s best films and was nominated for the Best Documentary Feature Oscar.

Restrepo was a postcard from a world that most Americans would seemingly prefer not to be reminded exists — a world where a tiny handful of young men and women put their lives on the line every day in a war that rages seemingly without end, its original objectives vanished into mist, an infernal machine running now on its own momentum.  Those men and women are out there because we, at least nominally, asked them to go.  They work and fight and die in our names every day.  But their sacrifices, sadly, have become disconnected somehow from the culture they volunteered to defend.

Restrepo is a mighty attempt to restore that connection — to bring the Long War home to the people it’s being fought for.  It’s not a political statement, and it doesn’t mount an argument for or against that war; it just shows you, up close and in high definition, what it’s like to be one of those kids sitting, day after day, on a ridgeline in the most dangerous place in the world.  Every American who considers themselves worthy of the name should see it.

It’s available now on DVD and Blu-Ray, as well as for instant streaming via Netflix. Here’s the trailer:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zvUdruvbdmI?hd=1

Hetherington’s death underlines the risks he and his fellow combat correspondents run every day to bring these important stories to us.  You owe it to yourself, and to those young men and women out there on the front lines, to listen.


Amazon $5 MP3 Deals For April 2011

Not quite as good a haul as last month, unfortunately. But whaddayagonnado, right?

So, without further ado…

A Love Supreme A Love Supreme
John Coltrane
Damaged Damaged
Black Flag
Trouble In Mind Trouble In Mind
Hayes Carll
The Suburbs The Suburbs
Arcade Fire
All Of A Sudden I Miss Everyone All Of A Sudden I Miss Everyone
Explosions In The Sky
Who's Next Who’s Next
The Who

There’s also an Of Montreal album in there, but you know how I feel about them.

One album that’s not currently on sale is the new debut album from The Civil Wars, Barton Hollow.  But every single one of you should buy it right now anyway, it’s incredibly good.  Here’s the video for the title track, to give you a taste.


Amazon’s Cloud Player Is Cool. But Is It Legal?

Amazon Cloud Drive and Cloud PlayerSo today Amazon.com introduced a pair of new services.

The first, Amazon Cloud Drive, is a kind of “hard drive in the sky” that lets you upload files from your browser to Amazon’s huge data storage resources, and then retrieve them later from anywhere you have an Internet connection.

By itself, that’s not particularly interesting.  What makes it interesting, though, is the second new service, Amazon Cloud Player.  Cloud Player is a little bit of software, currently available for PC and Mac desktop computers and Android mobile devices, that retrieves all music files in MP3 or AAC format from your Cloud Drive account and lets you stream them from anywhere.  So you can upload your music collection to Cloud Drive, and then play it back anywhere you have an Internet or cell connection and a Cloud Player-capable device.

Pretty nifty!  And certainly attractive from the consumer’s standpoint.  But I have one question: how is it legal?

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Firefox 4.0

FirefoxLongtime Readers (TM) know that I’ve been writing about Mozilla and their browsers here at Just Well Mixed for pretty much as long as Just Well Mixed has existed.  Heck, I’ve been writing about them since before Firefox existed. So I’d be remiss if I didn’t mention that this week saw a major milestone in that story: the release of Firefox 4.0.

There’s lots of reasons to be excited about this release, but the biggest one is simple: speed. Firefox 3 was a great browser, but it could be kind of pokey, especially when compared to the newest competitor on the block, Google Chrome.  The good news is that Mozilla took that as a challenge — and by rolling in a whole bunch of performance improvements, they’ve made Firefox 4 super snappy.  If you don’t believe me, download it and try it yourself; you will feel the speed difference from Firefox 3 immediately.

Other improvements: a ton of exciting work on the user-interface front makes Firefox 4 the easiest-to-use browser you can get.  Firefox Sync lets you access your Firefox bookmarks, favorites and open tabs from your mobile phone. FF4’s new HTML5/CSS3 features open up exciting new possibilities for Web designers — just take a look at some of Mozilla’s demos to see what I mean. And the new Tab Groups feature (aka “Firefox Panorama”) makes working with multiple tabs in Firefox easier than it is in any other browser on the market.  Watch this video to see what I mean:

It’s really an exciting release — maybe the most exciting Firefox since Firefox 1.0.  So you really do owe it to yourself to check it out.  For most people, this will involve downloading it from Mozilla.  If you’re an Ubuntu user like me and prefer to get your Firefox from the repositories, you might be worried that you’re stuck waiting for the next Ubuntu release (11.04, “Natty Narwhal”) in order to get your Firefox 4 on — but don’t fret!  Ubuntu’s Firefox maintainers have put together a PPA you can use to upgrade to Firefox 4 today, complete with all the nice stuff they do to make Firefox look great in Ubuntu and GNOME.  I used it to update my Ubuntu 10.10 desktop to FF4 with no problems whatsoever.

So — congratulations to the team at Mozilla for getting FF4 out the door!  It’s a big step forward for the open Web.


I’m Not Sure “Unusual” Is A Complement

Here’s an ad Facebook just showed me:

Unusual SinglesLooking at the attached picture, I think I know what the copywriters are trying to imply with the word “unusual.”  (Wink wink, nudge nudge.) But it doesn’t really work.  When I see the word “unusual” I tend to think more along the lines of “has an extra arm growing out of her back” or “has half a dozen dead drifters stacked up like cordwood in his crawlspace.”

Could be just me, though.


Rebecca Black’s “Friday”, Or: Dear Internet, You Should Be Ashamed Of Yourself

So apparently the Meme of the Week (TM) is this music video.

It’s not very good.  But to judge by some of the rhetoric surrounding it, you’d think it had caused the Japanese earthquake.

This is literally the worst thing I have ever heard.

It’s “a whole new level of bad.

It’s “the most epically-awful tune of the year.

It’s “the worst song ever written, composed, sung out loud or turned into a video.

Even Rolling Stone has weighed in, describing the singer’s voice as “pinched and stilted, like an alien attempting to pass an average American girl.” And of course Twitter users are tripping over each other trying to come up with the wittiest put-downs for it.

So if I agree in principle that it’s not a very good song, why am I bothering to mention it here?  Because this whole thing is so perfectly representative of one of the things I hate about the way the Internet has evolved — the way this gloriously diverse global community will occasionally come together to fall collectively like an anvil upon the head of some poor unsuspecting person whose only transgression is to not be hip.

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Amazon $5 MP3 Deals For March 2011

Longtime Readers know that when it comes to digital music I’m a fan of Amazon’s MP3 Store, because the music you buy there is:

  • DRM-free: Once you buy the music, you own it; it’s not tied to any particular device or user account
  • MP3 format: Which means you can play it on just about any PC, operating system, or digital device, not just those made by one particular company
  • Reasonably priced: This point speaks for itself, I think

Now, the normal prices are good, but for some records they’re very good — every month, the MP3 Store puts 100 albums on sale for $5 each.  The selection changes each month, so it’s a bit like the old days when you’d go rooting through the Bargain Bin at the record store; it’s a crapshoot, but it’s fun to see if you can find a deal, and unlike the record store’s bargain bin Amazon’s actually has enough decent stuff to make it worth the effort.  It’s a great way to pick up stuff you’d heard of but aren’t sure if you’ll like, to build out your digital music collection, or to replace that old CD you used to listen to until it got scratched.

All of which is to say that when Amazon rolls out their new $5 album selection each month, I generally go poking through it to see what I can find.  And it occurred to me that since I’m already doing this, I might as well take the time to post my findings here, on the off chance that there’s an album or two in there that you, dear reader, might be interested in as well.

(Note: Designating these albums as “my picks” doesn’t mean that I necessarily like them, or that I would buy them myself; it just means that I think it’s notable that it’s on sale.  Though in most cases albums in genres I’m not a fan of won’t catch my eye as I go through the sale list, so you should probably resign yourself to my picks being skewed towards my interests. If you don’t like that, go make your own damn picks.)

So, without further ado, here (in no particular order) are my sale picks for March, 2011:

Licensed To Ill Licensed to Ill
The Beastie Boys
Room on Fire Room On Fire
The Strokes
Sound of Silver Sound of Silver
LCD Soundsystem
Sea Change Sea Change
Beck
Full Moon Fever Full Moon Fever
Tom Petty
In Utero In Utero
Nirvana
August and Everything After August & Everything After
Counting Crows
Fever To Tell Fever To Tell
Yeah Yeah Yeahs
XO XO
Elliott Smith
On Avery Island On Avery Island
Neutral Milk Hotel
Monster Monster
R.E.M.
Let It Bleed Let It Bleed
The Rolling Stones
Frampton Comes Alive Frampton Comes Alive!
Peter Frampton
OK Computer OK Computer
Radiohead

Here’s a direct link to the complete list of March’s 100 $5 albums, if my picks don’t appeal.  Metalheads should note that Amazon also 50 more metal albums on sale for $5 each this month only as well.


Austerity: You First

Uncle Sam Wants YouIn politics, the word of the season is “austerity.”

Meaning: The country’s broke, Bub. So we’ve all gotta tighten our belts.

Which is one of those things that sounds reasonable at first — until you realize that when the politicos and pundits say “we”, they really mean “you.”

That realization, in part, is what has made the protests by union workers in Wisconsin resonate across the nation. You can’t watch millionaires on TV screaming that the only way to balance the budget is to squeeze the dough out of schoolteachers and cops without sensing the absurdity of the demand.

If “we all” have to sacrifice, after all, then surely if “we” includes teachers in Wisconsin (whose maximum potential salary is $60,000 a year), it includes the wealthy too.  That’s what “we” means — all of us.

Right?

Wrong.

The same people who are so strident in their demands that the middle class get off the gravy train are as quiet as the grave when it comes to how the better-off can contribute.  Nobody in the chattering classes will seriously discuss asking the rich — even the very richest of the rich — to pay one cent more in taxes to help their country. Not even in an age when the top 1% of the population holds 34% of the nation’s wealth.

If our leaders aren’t going to put this issue on the table, we’re going to have to do it ourselves.  To that end, I offer the following proposal.

From this day forward, any would-be leader — any politician, any pundit, any banker, any billionaire — who says that the solution to our economic problems is “austerity” should be asked one simple question: what they, personally, would be giving up.

It’s not an unreasonable thing to ask.  If you want to be a leader, you have to be willing to lead.  And in this case, that means that if you want to tell people who struggle every day just to make ends meet that they have to “tighten their belts,” then you have to tighten your own belt first.

So if you want to lead people into “austerity,” then put your money where your mouth is.  Show us that we should take you seriously.  Show us that you’re willing to sacrifice right alongside the rest of us.

You wouldn’t ask the rest of America to do something you weren’t willing to do yourself, right?

Right?


Yes, The Disembodied Floating Head Of Charlie Sheen Is Silently Judging You

The Sheen DreamSeen today: LiveTheSheenDream.com.

(It was probably inevitable.)


The Coward’s Last Stand: Revolution In Libya

Meanwhile, if you want to see what I was terrified to think the protests in Egypt might devolve into, you need look no further than to next-door neighbor Libya, where dictator Muammar Gaddafi appears to have fewer compunctions about releasing the dogs of war on his own people than Hosni Mubarak did:

Ibrahim Dabbashi, Libya’s deputy ambassador to the United Nations, called Monday for the U.N. to take key steps, including shutting airspace over Tripoli to prevent Gadhafi’s regime from restocking its military. He accused Gadhafi of carrying out “genocide.”

Dabbashi said the toll in clashes so far could be as high as 800. Human Rights Watch said Monday that at least 233 people have been killed during the unrest. CNN has been in contact with medics and witnesses in Libya, whose accounts appear to corroborate the Human Rights Watch report.

The rights group said Tuesday that witnesses in Tripoli “have described Libyan forces firing ‘randomly’ at protesters” this week and that sources from two hospitals in Tripoli reported at least 62 bodies.

Witnesses have told CNN that helicopter gunships fired into crowds of protesters.

Of course, in any uprising rumors run rampant, so it’s hard to know from my vantage point how much of this is true. (And also unlike Egypt, the Libyan security apparatus has thus far managed to keep the international media from getting into the country, so there’s no live video feeds from Tripoli or Benghazi the way there were from Cairo and Alexandria.) But while the exact tactics being used to crack down on Libyan protesters are in dispute, it seems indisputable that some form of violent crackdown is taking place.

For me, at least, the irony in the contrast between the paths the dictators of Egypt and Libya have chosen to respond to their subjects’ revolutions is that in both cases they are exactly the opposite of what I would have expected them to choose.

First, Egypt.  For all his personal corruption and autocratic rulership, Hosni Mubarak was a soldier who had shown no small amount of strength and will in his life; he led the Egyptian Air Force during the Yom Kippur War in one of the few battles where an Arab air force managed to defeat the Israelis, and when he rose to the Presidency of Egypt he maintained the policy of détente with Israel established by his predecessor, Anwar Sadat, even after that policy got Sadat blown up in a grenade attack while Mubarak stood next to him.

A man like that is not the sort you expect to be pried from power without a fight, which is part of why I considered the outcome of the Egyptian revolution to be a minor miracle. Mubarak didn’t go completely peacefully — his regime did encourage pro-Mubarak Egyptians to confront protesters, and near the end he appears to have unleashed a campaign of violence against foreign journalists and aid workers, hoping to scare them off — but in the end he did go without bringing on the Götterdämmerung that seemed so tragically likely.

Muammar Gaddafi, on the other hand, is — not to put too fine a point on it — a coward.  He has a long, long history of picking fights with opponents great and small (including the US, in 1986), only to fold like a house of cards.

The War Nerd ran through Gadhafi’s whole sorry history of cave-ins in an epic 2004 profile:

Qadafi’s such a wimp that he didn’t just “buckle” to the US and Britain way back in the 80s, but he even “buckled” to Chad, the lowliest, most messed-up country in the world. What the hell does Libya have to do with Chad, you’re wondering? Well, it was like the only date Qadafi could get to the prom — the only country even more messed-up than Libya…

There were so many little wars going on in Chad in the late seventies that Qadafi could pick which ones he wanted to fund. And boy, was he fickle. He started out doing the obvious thing, backing Muslims in the north rebelling against Christians in the south…

With new money and arms, the Muslim leader, Habre, made his move and captured the capital, a mud-brick hellhole called N’Djamena.

This was strictly by the book according to the rules of African warfare, which state “the worse the hellhole, the harder they fight for it.”

The rest of the civil war went by the book too. The black Christian southerners fled the city, headed south to stay with relatives, and started killing any Arabs or Muslims they could find. They found about 10,000, by all accounts, chopped them up and felt better about losing their city gig. Then-and once again, this is strictly old-school, by-the-book stuff — the winners started eyeing up each other, looking for weakness, and not even bothering to thank the foreigners who’d bankrolled them. Once he’d taken the capital, Habre wouldn’t even return Qadafi’s calls. In his classic drama-queen style, Qadafi flounced around his tent, sulked, and did what he always does: gave money to his ex-best-friend’s worst enemy. Habre’s worst enemy happened to be a Southern-Chad Black Christian Colonel named Kaougoue. Qadafi funded him anyway. So much for Islamic unity.

Then he switched his backing again, to a group of Chadian rebels who had migrated south from Libya. The idea was to lead up to annexing the northern half of Libya. So much for African unity.

When that failed, Qadafi decided to withdraw from most of Chad, but he gave himself a little going-away present, annexing a piece of northern Chad called the “Aozou Strip.”

Then came the ultimate humiliation: Qadafi’s army and air force couldn’t even hold onto that…

That was it for Qadafi. He did what he always does when somebody fronts up to him: he caved. Since then he’s been very, very polite to the Chadians.

You get the picture? This is a man who has no guts and no shame. Getting him to “buckle” is nothing new, and nothing to brag about. You want to do something impressive? Get Kim Jong-Il to sing “Give Peace A Chance.” Yeah — big televised duet with Yoko. That’s when I’ll be impressed.

So count me surprised that when the revolution finally came it saw Mubarak slinking away quietly to a retirement villa, and Gaddafi turning to bombs and bullets in a last desperate attempt to hold on to power.

We don’t know, of course, if Mubarak’s restraint in using force against the protesters actually came from Mubarak.  It may well be that both dictators gave the fatal order to their military officers to turn their guns on their own people, and Libya’s officers chose to follow it while Egypt’s did not . If that’s the case, there are a cadre of anonymous heroes in the Egyptian armed forces who deserve the respect of the world — and a cadre of anonymous villains in Libya’s who deserve only a short noose and a long drop.

UPDATE (Feb. 23): It’s worth noting that not all of Libya’s soldiery is without conscience:

Two Libyan Air Force fighter pilots defected on Monday and flew their jets to Malta where they told authorities they had been ordered to bomb protesters, Maltese government officials said…

The two said they decided to fly to Malta after being ordered to bomb anti-government protesters in Libya’s second largest city of Benghazi, the sources said.


Sometimes, A Miracle

Well, after my last post expressed concern that Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was maneuvering the protesters who had challenged his three-decade rule into a corner, things developed quite rapidly.  They came to a head last Friday as Mubarak — who had made a fiery speech refusing to step down just the day before — abdicated his office.

And so far, thankfully, none of the nightmare scenarios that those of us who care about Egypt worried about have come to pass.   At first it appeared that Mubarak’s departure would leave his hand-picked successor, intelligence chief Omar Suleiman in charge, who could very well have turned out to be just as dangerous for the prospects of Egyptian democracy as Mubarak was; but when Mubarak fled, the Egyptian military stepped in and took control, and ever since then Suleiman has been conspicuously absent from the stage.  The military’s action also headed off the risk of anarchy, at least for now.  And there’s no indication so far that the spirit of the Egyptian revolution will necessarily lead to a militant Islamic state or the re-emergence of Egypt as a threat to Israel and the stability of the Middle East, either.  (On those latter points, of course, we’ll only know the true shape of things to come with time.  But the early indicators are all hearteningly positive.)

So there’s a lot to be thankful for today, both for the Egyptian people and the people of the world. A situation that could have gotten very ugly very fast was instead resolved peacefully, thanks to the courage of millions of everyday people.  (And, it must be said, the willingness of Hosni Mubarak to finally go quietly rather than try to hang onto power at the point of a gun. Plenty of autocrats have failed to realize their day was up in the past.)

In short, the shape of what Egypt is to become is still up in the air.  But there’s room today to imagine it becoming — finally — a place where peace and democracy are no longer incompatible options.  And that’s a prospect to be thankful for.


Going All In, Or Emerson In Tahrir Square

Poker player going "all in"I wrote last Friday that the uprising in Egypt appeared to be heading for a moment of decision, with protesters’ calls for that to be President Hosni Mubarak’s “day of departure” set to collide with Mubarak’s gradually increasing use of force to try to back them down.

It didn’t turn out that way.  The protesters managed to once again rally hundreds of thousands of people in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, and untold thousands more in cities across Egypt, but in the end the day passed with no confrontation between the protesters and the government.  And Mubarak hasn’t gone anywhere. Moreover, it seems increasingly unlikely that he actually will go, at least until elections are held in September.

How did things come to this?

Mubarak’s Gambit

For the student of power politics, one of the fascinating things to watch as this crisis has unfolded has been how masterfully Mubarak has played what initially appeared to be a pretty weak hand.  He didn’t start strong; he ignored the protests for far too long after they began on January 25, and on January 28, the “day of rage,” he inexplicably waited all day before making a statement, leading to widespread speculation that he had fled the country or simply died.  (The man’s 82 years old, after all; it wasn’t hard to imagine him simply keeling over from shock.)

When he did speak on the 28th, though, he managed to take a storyline that seemed already written and turn it upside down.  Up to that point, he seemed stuck in a no-win scenario; the only options that appeared open to him were either to give the protesters want they wanted and step down, or drive them from the streets with force and risk igniting a revolt by the army and becoming an international pariah.

Mubarak’s speech on the 28th broke him out of the lose-lose scenario by rejecting both choices and presenting instead a third option.  He had heard the public’s anger, he said, and he would act to address it, but only by turning out his cabinet, not by stepping down himself; and while he did not approve of the protests, he would not crack down on them and make the protesters into martyrs of democracy, either.

By doing so, he took the lose-lose situation that had previously been his to wrestle with and flipped it onto the protesters.  Mubarak’s January 28th speech established that he did not see peaceful protests, in and of themselves, as enough to drive him from office.  As long as the army supported him, or at least stayed neutral, he seems to have calculated that he could ride them out; he would respond to such protests with some incremental reform proposals, but that’s it.

Mubarak, in short, told them that their protests alone would not be enough to send him packing — and then dared them to do something that would.

This turned out to be a remarkably potent strategy.  We’re now more than a week down the line from that speech, and it’s clear that the protesters are still trying to figure out how to respond to it effectively.  If peaceful protest is not enough, does that mean that Mubarak can only be unseated with violence?  If so, how do liberal-minded protesters go down that road without risking things spinning sickeningly out of control?

These are questions that nobody in the democracy movement appears to have answers to. Which was probably why Mubarak wanted to throw them on the horns of this dilemma in the first place.  He was gambling that they wouldn’t call his bluff, and so far it’s a gamble that seems to be working.

The Stakes

Currently, the Obama administration appears to be trying to split the difference between the protesters’ demands and Mubarak’s “concessions” by accepting the concessions and urging the protesters to accept them as good enough.  But to ask that of them now defies the logic of living in a police state.

The proposal is that the protesters take the concessions, go home, and then come out again at election time in September and support pro-democracy candidates.  The problem is that if they leave the square now and Mubarak is still in office, it’s unlikely that many of them will still be alive and on the streets in September.

The organizers of the protests are safe from Mubarak’s wrath today because the glare of the world media is upon them.  If they were to suddenly “disappear,” they would instantly be missed.  Take, for instance, the case of Google executive and protest organizer Wael Ghonim, who was seized by Mubarak’s secret police on January 28 and released today.  Ghonim’s absence was immediately noted, because while the protests go on the protesters are all in contact with each other.

Imagine, though, if the protesters accepted Mubarak’s half loaf, packed up their signs and went home.  Mubarak — or, more accurately, Mubarak’s feared secret police, the Mukhabarat — would then have eight long months in which to pick each of them up as they go about their daily lives, far from the prying lens of al-Jazeera.  Locally they might be missed, but what are the odds that the world media would notice?  Would anyone connect the dots of a vanished student here, a mysterious car accident there, and realize that Mubarak was quietly spending his eight month reprieve taking his revenge?  And even if they did, would it be a front page story?

Of course not.

That’s the dilemma the protesters are up against. At this point, they are, effectively, all in. Either Mubarak goes down loudly, or they go down silently, picked off in the shadows, one by one.

Emerson’s Law

Ralph Waldo EmersonIn his 1884 biography of his friend, Transcendentalist philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson, the celebrated physician and writer Oliver Wendell Holmes recounts a nugget of practical wisdom from the Sage of Concord:

A young friend of mine in his college days wrote an essay on Plato. When he mentioned his subject to Mr. Emerson, he got the caution, long remembered, “When you strike at a King, you must kill him.”

This is advice that has pertinence far beyond Plato.  For those who would make a revolution, the worst-case scenario is to strike at the established order and merely wound it; a wounded dictator is much like a wounded beast, lashing out furiously with tooth and claw, mauling both those who struck it and those innocent civilians who happen merely to be in the way.

This does not mean that you must kill a dictator to kill the dictatorship — the web of institutions that make up a government is not necessarily the same as the man inside it.  (In Egypt, for example, Mubarak could likely be unseated without violence if a way could be found to separate him from the army, or to force the army to choose between standing with Mubarak and standing with the people, rather than straddling the fence.)

However, it does mean that if you wish to strike at a dictatorship, you must understand that the only blow you will have the luxury of striking unopposed will be your first.  Should that miss its mark, you will urgently need to have an answer to a simple question: what do we do now?

This is the question the Egyptian revolution is wrestling with today. Only time will tell if they will find an answer before it is too late.

UPDATE (Feb 10): Mubarak blinks?  Several news outlets are reporting that he may step down

UPDATE (Feb 11): Nope, didn’t happen. I was watching the live Al-Jazeera feed from Tahrir Square when Mubarak made his non-announcement announcement, and the anger and frustration in the crowd there was palpable.


When The Revolution Comes

It’s a bit disorienting to see a revolution you were being prepared to survive when you were 10 years old come roaring to life when you’re 35.  Even if you’re 5,000 miles away when it happens.

Revolution In Egypt

But that’s what the last week has been like for me as the people of Egypt have risen up to depose the man who has been their President for the last three decades, Hosni Mubarak.  Because this is a revolution I’ve been half expecting and half fearing since I was a child.

I was born in Ohio, and live in Virginia today, but for several years in the 1980s, I lived in Cairo.  My father made his career working for the U.S. Air Force, and in the early ’80s, Uncle Sam needed him in Egypt as part of the big post-Camp David Accords effort to re-engineer the Egyptian military — newly won over from the Soviet sphere of influence to that of the U.S. — into a Western-style force, equipped with American weapons and following American doctrine.  So off we went. And for the next three years and change, I was a Cairene.

It was one of the best experiences of my life, and I one I still look back on with fondness.  Egypt is a fascinating place, with a modern culture as rich as its ancient heritage.  Living there gave me the chance to meet amazing people, both from Egypt and from other countries all over the world.  My time there broadened me as a human being.  One of my dreams is to someday go back.

But all of that makes it sound a bit like a vacation, and that’s misleading.  Because even though I was just a kid, it was clear to me that being an American in the Middle East was a dangerous thing — even in a city as cosmopolitan as Cairo.

Like I said above, it was the early-to-mid-1980s.  Most Americans remember that period now for leg warmers and Michael Jackson albums.  But it’s important to remember that it was also when radical Islam first forced its way at gunpoint into the world’s consciousness.  The Iran hostage crisis — which saw Americans held captive for more than a year — was fresh in everyone’s memory.  Hundreds of American Marines were killed in Beirut in 1983 when their barracks was hit by a suicide bomber while I sat in my elementary school classes.  And most disturbingly for an American in Egypt, in 1981, Mubarak’s predecessor as President, Anwar Sadat — the man whose peace deal with Israel at Camp David had brought me and my family to his country — had been assassinated by officers of his own army who were angry at him for making that deal.  Mubarak had continued Sadat’s policy towards Israel; nobody could say if there would be more attacks against him, or against the Americans the policy he maintained had brought there.

Even then, in other words, there was a sense that revolution — from the Army, from the mosques, or just from the streets — could come surging forward at any time, a tidal wave sweeping all before it.  And as a consequence, you couldn’t live as an American in Cairo without being conscious of the possibility that things could go very, very wrong for you very, very fast — even if you were just a kid.

It wasn’t like we lived in an atmosphere of constant fear, of course; it was more like an undercurrent, a subtext running underneath daily life.  It was the eventuality that nobody talked about but everybody tried to be prepared for.

As children, we couldn’t really understand the dimensions of the threat, but the adults around us did their best to make us ready should we ever have to meet it anyway.  If bad people break into the house, we’d learn, hide under the bed and be as quiet as you can, no matter what you hear.  If bad things start happening and you’re at school, go as fast as you can to the embassy.  Don’t try to find your mom and dad, just do whatever you have to do to get to the embassy and they will meet you there.

(The never-spoken ending to that thought: Hopefully.)

At the time, I took all of this in with what I can only regard now as surprising equanimity. Kids are wonderfully elastic that way; they can adapt to almost any circumstances because they haven’t learned enough of the world yet to tell the difference between the ordinary and the extraordinary.  When everything is new, nothing is surprising.

It wasn’t until I returned to the U.S. that I realized how deeply that part of my experience in Egypt had sunk into my subconscious, though.  The first realization came one afternoon some months after my return when my family went to the movies.  The picture we saw that day was a new one from Steven Spielberg titled Empire of the Sun.

If you haven’t seen it, Empire of the Sun is a piece of lesser-appreciated Spielbergiana, adapted from J. G. Ballard’s semi-autobiographical novel of the same title.  The story recounts the experiences of an English boy, Jamie, living in privilege in the foreign quarter of Shanghai, China in 1941.  His world comes crashing down around him on December 8, 1941, when Japanese troops follow up the attack on Pearl Harbor by sweeping into Shanghai and seizing the city at gunpoint.  Shocked by the sudden attack, his family attempts to escape from the city, but in the chaos they are separated and the boy ends up spending the war in a Japanese prison camp, surviving despite a diet so meager that he gets his protein by picking weevils out of the condemned rice his captors feed him.  His family would not be reunited again until the war’s end in 1945.

The scene from the movie when the Japanese attack and young Jamie is swept away from his parents perfectly encapsulates the kind of scenario we all feared.

(That’s a young Christian Bale as Jamie in the movie, by the way — he was 12 years old when he made it, just a year or so older than I would be when I saw it.  Which only drove the point home to me even more strongly as I sat in that air-conditioned American theater, so far from the fears I was only just beginning to realize I’d been living with.)

Of course, for me, that scenario never came to pass.  I lived out my years in Egypt more or less uneventfully, learned a lot about the world, and came back to the States to marvel at things I had last seen so long before in my short life that they seemed more like legends than reality, things like grocery stores and snow.

So maybe this piece is a long-winded way of saying nothing, really, save that the revolution that is playing out before our eyes in Egypt now is something that has been brewing for a long, long time.  (In fact, if there is anything surprising about the way it’s playing out, it’s that rather than foreigners being attacked by angry mobs fighting to topple the Mubarak regime, they’re instead being attacked by angry mobs fighting to support it.  It’s a cruel irony, given that in my time there we always imagined revolutionary violence coming from the mobs or the army against the government, as it had with Sadat, rather than the other way around.)  And none of it should be taken as an apologia for Hosni Mubarak, whose regime was every bit as cruel to Egyptians who crossed it as you’ve heard.

But I feel like it’s worth sharing anyway, because a critical moment appears to be approaching.  All the indications I’ve seen are that the next 24 hours will be critical in determining how the nascent revolution in Egypt turns out.  The demonstrators have named the day to come the “Day of Departure”, the day they launch another massive rally to finally push Mubarak off his throne; while Mubarak, for his part, has apparently become increasingly willing to use force against them rather than bow any further to their demands, turning to paramilitary bands to avoid having to ask the army to gun down its own people — an order that it’s unclear they’d obey.

As I write this, I’m watching the live video feed of Cairo’s Tahrir Square on Al-Jazeera English’s Web site; the morning has just begun there, and even in these first daylight hours the crowd is already beginning to swell.

I don’t know how this story ends.  I’m not sure anybody does.  But I’m praying that if it ends today, the ending that the new day brings is brighter than the one I learned to fear, all those years ago, so far away.


I Suppose That Once You’ve Figured Out How To Travel Back In Time, Running For President Is The Obvious Next Step

Seen on the New York Times mobile app on my phone a few minutes ago…

Huntsman Clears Way For 2010 Bid, In 2011

It’s no small feat to begin building a 2010 bid in 2011!


The Bankruptcy of Optics

Mr. MagooEvery business has its jargon, and politics is no exception.  The thing about jargon, though, is that it eventually gets so overused that it the words cease to have meaning; they stop being vehicles of communication and instead become simple totems that people display to let each other know that they’re part of the same club.

As a professional communicator, this drives me nuts.

Of course, some jargon terms are more overused than others. And in modern American politics, one of the most played-out jargon terms is optics.

When political people talk about optics, what they’re talking about is how something will look to the general public.  So you hear statements like this a lot: “I can’t vote for that bill! The optics would be terrible.” Or, translated into plain English: “It would make me look bad.”

It’s natural for politicians to worry about how things will make them look; they keep their jobs by being sure to always look good. But it’s possible, if you spend enough time worrying about how you look, for you to reach a point where you think the optics of things are disconnected from the things themselves; where you look at a problem and think that changing the optics solves the problem itself, instead of just putting you in a better position to solve the problem.

This is where most of our leaders are today.

You can see this very clearly just by watching our political discourse.  It’s obsessed with optics.  The chattering classes talk about issues almost exclusively in terms of what posture leaders should take regarding those issues, rather than what they should actually do about them.

You can see this on display right now by watching the State of the Union address.

First, some background.  You need to understand that our betters have decided that one of the Great Problems facing America today is excessive partisanship.  If only we could all get along, they cry, everything would be better!

(For the record, I disagree with this sentiment; I think that partisanship is a healthy development in a democratic society, because it indicates that people take the process seriously. The only systems without partisanship are systems where nobody cares what happens, because nothing’s at stake.  But for the sake of discussion, let’s grant the point.)

So what’s the solution? Our august solons thought this question over, and came back with this proposal:

Make Democratic and Republican lawmakers sit with each other at the State of the Union.

You see, normally, when the President delivers his State of the Union message to Congress, the chamber is divided by party, with Democrats sitting on one side of the room and Republicans on the other. But at tonight’s address, the chamber will have “mixed seating” where every D has to sit with an R.

Which is a fine symbolic gesture, as symbolic gestures go.  But that’s all it is: a gesture. Nobody’s giving up anything real; none of them are sacrificing anything tangible to move forward the agenda of diminishing partisanship.

It’s pure, unadulterated, 100% optics.

So, you ask, if Date Night on Capitol Hill is just optics, what would a non-optics measure to reduce partisanship look like? Here’s one possibility.  Right now, dozens of executive branch offices and Federal judgeships are vacant, for no other reason than because a Senator decided in each case to prevent that chamber from voting on that nominee.  The Senators don’t have to say why they don’t want a particular nominee voted on; the genteel procedures of that chamber don’t require that. But it’s well known that many of these “secret holds” were placed by Republican Senators to stick it to the man who submitted those nominations, President Obama. In other words, straight-up partisanship.

Now, imagine if tomorrow morning a Republican Senator came forward and announced that, in order to help decrease the scourge of partisanship, he was going to disclose all his secret holds on current nominations — and then release them.

Would that be smart politics? Probably not. But it would be something real. That Senator would be giving up something valuable; after all, if he’s stopped a key nomination in its tracks, he could use that leverage to barter with the Administration for other things he wants in exchange for letting it move forward.  That’s a useful bargaining chip.  And by giving it up unilaterally, he’d be making a concrete contribution to the cause of reducing partisanship, which he professes to care about so deeply.

But no leaders, Republican or Democrat will do this.  They all decry the crushing burden of partisanship, but nobody will do anything real to lessen it.

The thing is, I’m not convinced that this is because they’re too cheap, or cowardly, or lazy to make that sacrifice.  I think it’s because the idea has never occurred to them.

Why?  Because they’re focused on the optics. They think that solving the optics solves the problem.  So something like tonight’s mixed seating stunt becomes, in their mind, a real step forward, a real accomplishment.

Which it is not, of course. It’s evanescent, ephemeral. It will vanish tomorrow as completely as if it never existed at all. Which, in a real sense, it didn’t.

This is the first challenge we as a nation will have to overcome if we hope to hold on to our greatness: to choose leaders who understand that the only true way to change how something looks is to change how it actually is.  And who have the courage to do the heavy lifting required to change things in the real world, rather than just change how those things look.


Facebook: Home Of Reasoned Political Discourse

Facebook: Home of Reasoned Political Discourse


OSS 117: Cairo, Nest of Spies

Longtime Readers know that I like to use this space to recommend great movies that you probably haven’t seen yet; so in that spirit, allow me to commend to your attention the 2006 French comedy OSS 117: Cairo, Nest of Spies.

OSS 117 is based on a long-running series of French spy novels centering on the character of an intrepid secret agent of French descent, Hubert Bonisseur de la Bath, undertaking undercover missions for the CIA’s predecessor agency, the Office of Strategic Services. (Which may seem derivative of Ian Fleming’s archetypal James Bond, but the first adventures of OSS 117 hit the press in 1949, years before Bond did.)  A square-jawed, straight-up action figure — think Sean Connery’s version of James Bond — OSS 117 proved so popular that he eventually featured in more than 90 novels as well as several movies during the 1960s.

That OSS 117 is not the OSS 117 featured in Cairo, Nest of Spies, however.  Rather than try to play the agent’s adventures straight — a losing proposition, given how thoroughly the James Bond formula has been milked dry — the makers of this film instead use them as a platform for cutting, incisive satire.  In this version, OSS 117 is not a deadly secret agent; he’s a clueless bumbler whose only successes come by accident.  He’s not an irresistible ladykiller, he’s a tone-deaf sexist doofus who thinks he’s much more appealing to women than he actually is.  He’s not a cosmopolitan jet-setter, he’s a shuttered provincial who finds every foreign culture bizarre and confounding in precisely the degree to which it is not French.  And so forth.

Cairo, Nest of Spies takes this reimagined OSS 117 and drops him into 1950s Egypt, where he’s charged with finding out if there’s any connection between two recent disappearances there, one of a Soviet cargo ship and the other of his fellow agent (and best friend) Jack Jefferson.  His attempt to find out leads him afoul of a colorful group of villains with plots for world domination ranging from the implausible to the ludicrous.

Based on the description above, you’re probably mentally comparing Cairo, Nest of Spies to the most popular recent spy-movie spoofs: the Austin Powers series.  Two things set Cairo, Nest of Spies apart from those films, though.  The first is an incredible attention to the details of the 1960s spy-movie aesthetic; the costumes, the sets, the camera angles.  These touches make OSS 117 feel like an early James Bond movie, where Austin Powers, with its bright colors and over-the-top sets, never really did.  And the second is an outstanding performance by the lead actor, Jean Dujardin, who brings just the right touches of arrogance, self-regard and obliviousness to his portrayal of OSS 117. It’s a performance that reminds you of the great Peter Sellers’ Inspector Clouseau, which is high praise.

Anyway, it’s a great movie, very funny, and well worth your time. It’s available on DVD, and if you’re a Netflix member, they have it both for disc rental and for instant streaming.  (There’s also a 2009 sequel, OSS 117: Lost in Rio, but I haven’t had a chance to check it out yet; here’s Roger Ebert’s review.)


Service Note

This blog has switched from Movable Type to WordPress.

The reason wasn’t because I didn’t like Movable Type.  It’s because Movable Type increasingly appears to be a dead product, at least for individual, not-for-profit bloggers.  MT parent company Six Apart lost interest in folks like me a long time ago, and their recent sale to advertising company VideoEgg makes me doubt that MT will ever be aimed at us again.

It’s too bad.  Movable Type was a pioneering product.  When Just Well Mixed launched back in 2002 (nearly a decade ago! yeesh!), Movable Type hadn’t even hit version 1.0 yet; it was still a hobby project offered by Ben and Mena Trott to a world that mostly hadn’t ever heard the word “blog”.  Part of my rationale for launching JWM was to give myself an excuse to try their interesting-looking tool out.  It turned out to be awesome; there’s a reason why MT dominated the blog software space for many years.  Of course, it was eventually supplanted by WordPress — the exact reasons why are disputed; I gave my thoughts on the subject on Quora recently — but it was still a powerful, elegant tool, even if it stagnated feature-wise.

As an early adopter of Movable Type, it was a sad moment to realize that there probably wasn’t much future left in it. But as Deadwood‘s Al Swearengen put it, “Change ain’t lookin’ for friends. Change calls the tune we dance to.”  And so it goes. So today marks the official end of the Movable Type era at Just Well Mixed and the beginning of the WordPress era.

Most features of the site have been ported over — archives are working, permalinks redirecting, etc. — but any time you move a site with nearly ten years’ worth of content from one CMS to another there’s going to be a few glitches, so accept my apologies in advance if you run into one, and pardon the dust while I finish sanding off the rough edges.

And thanks for being a JWM reader!  Because in the end that’s much more important than which content management system is under the hood.


Seconds

Brian and Erin Wood
Brian and Erin Wood

One of the comforting lies we tell ourselves is that the legacy we will leave behind us is the sum of everything that we’ve done; all the little kindnesses we shared, the small victories we achieved. The virtues, in other words, of years.

That’s true for some people. But others make their legacies in a rush. Fate forces decisions upon them, giving them only seconds to choose. And how they choose is how they are remembered.

Brian Wood is one of the latter.

Up until this month, he was a pretty ordinary guy leading a pretty ordinary life. He was a young man — 33 years old. He’d had some success in his career, working as a game designer at Relic Entertainment on that company’s popular Company of Heroes titles. And he was starting a family; his wife, Erin, was pregnant with their first child.

Then, on September 9, he and his wife got into their car, heading out to visit family. And fate intervened.

The accident happened Friday as the Woods were making their way to a family home on Whidbey Island in Washington State.

A Chevy Blazer, with four occupants, crossed the centre line when the driver tried to take her sweater off while driving, asking the other front passenger to take the wheel at the time.

The Blazer, having swerved into the opposite lane, was now speeding straight towards a head-on collision with the Woods. The young family was in a small Subaru wagon; it was clear that in a crash with the hulking Blazer their vehicle — and its occupants — would suffer terribly. But with the SUV bearing down on them quickly and swerving unpredictably, there was no way to avoid the collision.

So, in those terrible seconds, Brian Wood made his decision:

As the car hurtled at them head-on, Brian braked hard and swerved to the right, ensuring he would take the brunt of the crash as the Blazer slammed into them.

“It’s pretty obvious if you look at the car that if it would have been a head-on crash, we both would have been killed, right along with our baby,” Erin Wood told Carl Quintanilla on TODAY Monday from Vancouver.

“He definitely saved us. He made that choice, and I’m thankful for that.”

Brian Wood’s last-minute maneuver put his body between his wife and child and two tons of metal. It killed him. But it saved the lives of his family.

In circumstances like these, we can never really know how a person makes the decisions they make. Even they probably don’t know; in moments of crisis we stop thinking and operate on instinct. So we’ll never know what ran through Brian Wood’s mind as he hit the brakes and wrenched the wheel; we can never know if he consciously attempted to shield his wife, or if his actions were driven by something more sub-conscious, more primal.

But in the end, it doesn’t matter. In these moments, we are judged by how we react. And Brian Wood’s reaction saved the lives of his wife and child.

The test of love is fire. You only discover its true temper when it is placed into the flames. But to put it there, you have to go in with it. And some who go in never come back out.

Brian Wood is gone. But his sacrifice allowed his family to live on. And that’s as true an act of love as you’ll find, in this world or the next.

(If you’d like to help the Wood family, a Brian Wood Memorial Trust has been established to help support them. Please consider giving.)


Missed Opportunities: Elizabeth Warren Edition

Elizabeth Warren

I’ve written before about the tragedy of Barack Obama. But today comes word of a whole new chapter.

Maybe you’ve heard of Elizabeth Warren. She’s the law professor whose crusade for stronger banking, investment and credit protections for consumers led directly to the creation of a new agency tasked with providing such protections — the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) — in this year’s financial reform bill.

Well, now that the bill’s been passed into law, the next question has been who should be the new CFPB’s first director. And a lot of people have been recommending Ms. Warren for that job. After all, if it wasn’t for her tireless advocacy, the agency wouldn’t exist in the first place. So why not let her take charge of the new agency? What better way could there be to ensure that it really does stand up for consumers then to put one of America’s foremost consumer advocates in its director’s chair?

The answer is that there is no better way; and that’s why the financial industry, and its lackeys, have vociferously opposed the idea of nominating Ms. Warren. One example is Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner, who was notably cool on the idea.

So here’s the dilemma for President Obama. On one side he has progressives and consumer advocates urging him to name Ms. Warren to lead the CFPB. On the other side he has Wall Street urging him not to.

What to do? What to do?

He’s been hemming and hawing on the subject for a while, but today he announced his decision: he’ll ask Ms. Warren to lead the CFPB. Just not, you know, officially.

Elizabeth Warren, who conceived of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, will oversee its establishment as an assistant to President Obama, an official briefed on the decision said Wednesday evening.

The decision, which Mr. Obama is to announce this week, would allow Ms. Warren, a Harvard law professor, to effectively run the new agency without having to go through a potentially contentious confirmation battle in the Senate. The creation of the bureau is a centerpiece of the Wall Street financial overhaul that Mr. Obama signed in July.

The pitch for this “compromise” solution goes like this: the President will ask Ms. Warren to work for him in an advisory capacity, overseeing the starting-up of the new agency. And because she’s technically an advisor to the President rather than the head of a Federal agency, she won’t need to go through Senate confirmation, which the Republicans would just turn into a circus anyway. And even though Ms. Warren won’t have formal leadership of the CFPB, she’ll still be an advisor to the President, so if she makes a suggestion to the people at the new agency they’ll be sure to listen carefully, if you know what I mean, wink wink.

So, say the political geniuses in the White House, it’s the best of both worlds! We still get Warren’s leadership at CFPB, making progressives happy, and we avoid a bruising confirmation fight. Everybody wins! Right?

Wrong.

Here’s the thing the political geniuses in the White House don’t get: they’re not going to skip the fight just by skipping the confirmation. If Warren was formally nominated, I imagine there would be a brutal confirmation fight. But if she’s put in charge without a formal nomination, there will still be a brutal fight; it’ll just take place in the media rather than in the Senate. The Republicans will scream to the high heavens that Elizabeth Warren is a new “czar,” part of a devious plan Obama cooked up with Saul Alinsky in a Columbia University dorm room while sky-high on cocaine and chanting the sayings of Chairman Mao. If there was a confirmation hearing, they’d fire off their crazy-cannons there; but if there isn’t, it’s not going to get them to hold their fire. They’ll just spout their nonsense to Fox News instead of C-SPAN.

So if you’re not going to stop the right wing from their usual flying-monkey attacks, what’s the logic of skipping the confirmation? An anonymous Super Genius explains:

Some called on Mr. Obama to formally nominate Ms. Warren to lead the bureau even if it led to a confirmation battle, arguing that Democrats should embrace such a battle as a means of drawing attention to the bureau’s significance.

However, the White House saw drawbacks to that approach, according to the official. If Ms. Warren’s nomination were in limbo for months, she would be generally precluded from serving fully as the public face of the bureau, or even testifying before Congress.

“The stakes are too high to delay the standing up of this agency,” the official said.

So they’re worried that the Republicans would drag the confirmation out for months, preventing Ms. Warren from getting down to business in her new job.

To which I say: we should be so lucky!

I don’t say that because I think Ms. Warren is unsuited for the job; far from it. I say that because, as a Democrat, I’m hard pressed to think of anything that would be better for my party’s political fortunes than for the GOP to spend the weeks remaining between now and the election loudly defining itself as the party that stands with your credit card company against you.

That’s not a crisis. That’s a gift! It would give every Democrat running this year a clear way to draw a distinction between themselves and their opponents.

“You want to know why I’m running for Congress? I’m running for Congress because I stand with people like Elizabeth Warren. We want to get the banks and the credit card companies off your back. My opponent and his party are fighting tooth and nail to keep that from happening.”

This is the sort of message that every Democrat from Obama on down should be hammering on every day between now and Election Day. And having a high-profile fight in the Senate over the merits of nominating Ms. Warren would be a terrific opportunity to do that.

In politics, a fight, in and of itself, is not a bad thing. Sometimes a fight is a great thing, because it can take political arguments outside the realm of abstraction and highlight the consequences of your vote.

Think back to the 1995 government shutdown, for instance. The Republicans launched it as an effort to paint themselves as the party of fiscal conservatism. But what it actually ended up doing was handing Bill Clinton a golden opportunity to be the politician who was fighting a gang of ideologues to ensure that your mail would still be delivered. Clinton, a deeply unpopular President in 1995 after his early initiatives like health care reform foundered, seized that opportunity and rode it to re-election in ’96.

Obama could have seized on the conservative opposition to Warren in a similar fashion — going to the public with the message that he was fighting for their interests rather than those of the billionaire CEOs of “too big to fail” banks. But instead, in classic Obama fashion, he tried to avoid the fight, to split the difference. And he ended up with a solution that will please no one.

This is the corner the President has painted himself into by embracing “post-partisanship” as a governing ideology. Post-partisanship implies that there are no fights anymore, because we all operate from a collective consensus instead. But it also means that anyone who wants to can veto anything you try to do simply by threatening to pitch a fit about it. After all, if you define success as “we didn’t fight about it,” all the other side has to do to make you a failure is… fight.

Which is why you sometimes have to be willing to do some fighting yourself. Unfortunately for all of us, if today’s news is any indication, the President isn’t quite there yet.

UPDATE (Sep. 16): Twelve hours after I wrote this, TPM reports:

Conservatives are already calling her a banking “czar.”

Gosh, nobody could have seen that coming…


Chairman of the Bored

Back in 2006 I wrote about the travails of trying to find a decent computer chair. Based on the number of comments that post received and the search terms that bring people to this site, it appears that many of you are also on this quest, so I figured you might appreciate an update.

At the end of the process back then I ended up buying the Ikea Joakim:

Ikea Joakim

Here’s the update. The Joakim served well while it was a light-use chair — something I sat in for an hour or so at most after coming home from work. However, when I started my own business this year, I found myself sitting in the Joakim all day. And that’s when it became My Mortal Enemy.

After a few months of sitting in the Joakim all day, I started having severe lower back pain. And when I say “severe”, I want you to understand that I am not exaggerating for effect; every time I stood up I felt like a 90-year-old man hobbling his way down the shuffleboard court.

The Joakim, clearly, had to go.

But what to replace it with? The problem is that finding a task chair that doesn’t suck turns out to be shockingly complicated; there are some that are broadly well-regarded, but they tend to be priced at the same level as a decent used car. And there’s a distressing lack of objective information like reviews from unbiased sources available to help.

I spent a lot of time trying to find a good alternative that was at least somewhat ergonomically sound and that didn’t cost a small fortune. This, it turns out, is a Quixotic endeavor. You might as well spend your time looking for an affordable ergonomic task chair as spend it looking for a sane Republican, or a unicorn; they simply don’t exist, at least not in this dimension.

So, at the end of the day, I bit the bullet and bought a Steelcase Leap.

Steelcase Leap

I had originally been tempted by a cheaper Steelcase model, the Think, but I had the good fortune to find a store that had both in their showroom so I could try them out, and as soon as I sat in them it was clear that there was no comparison. The difference between them — and between the Leap and every other chair I’d tried — was dramatic.

Now, if you know me, you know that I’m a cheap bastard. I’m not one to splash out cash on lavish toys. The fact that Steelcase sold me on a chair that costs what this one does should give you a sense of how good it is. I’ve been using it full-time for about a week now, and once I got it properly adjusted for my seating position — the damn thing has more knobs and levers on it than a 19th-century locomotive — my backaches began immediately to ease. Which was a nice feeling, insofar as it meant I wasn’t spending my days feeling like I’d been kicked by a mule anymore.

So there’s your update: if you’re looking for a comfortable, adjustable, ergonomically-designed task chair, take a close look at the Leap.

UPDATE (Nov. 7, 2014): In which a problem arises four years later, and Steelcase customer service impresses me.


The Tragedy Of Barack Obama

On the night of November 5, 2008, standing in the crisp autumn air of Chicago’s Grant Park at the end of a long and bitter campaign, President-Elect Barack Obama told America that the hard work was yet to come:

Even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime – two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they’ll make the mortgage, or pay their doctors bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one term, but America – I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you – we as a people will get there.

Today, nearly two years later, enough Americans wonder if we will, in fact, ever get there that the Republican Party — which teetered on the brink of irrelevance that night when Barack Obama spoke in Grant Park — has surged to unprecedented levels of electoral support.

It’s safe to say that the journey that began that night in Chicago has taken us somewhere very different than President Obama anticipated.

This is not to say that the first two years of the Obama Administration have been without accomplishments. Far from it. And you can sense occasionally in the words of Administration figures their frustration at seeing their support slide away even as they rack up legislative achievements.

During an interview with The Hill in his West Wing office, White House press secretary Robert Gibbs blasted liberal naysayers, whom he said would never regard anything the president did as good enough…

The press secretary dismissed the “professional left” in terms very similar to those used by their opponents on the ideological right, saying, “They will be satisfied when we have Canadian healthcare and we’ve eliminated the Pentagon. That’s not reality.”

Mr. Gibbs’ barbs are aimed at the wrong flank; it’s unlikely that it’s the “professional left” that is seriously weighing voting Republican this fall. And yet, his remarks are important nonetheless, because they contain the key to understanding the disconnect between the Administration’s ambitions and its fortune: the sense that, for his critics, nothing President Barack Obama does is ever good enough.

Why, the Administration wonders, are these people so upset? We’ve done so much! We’ve passed health care reform! Financial reform! A stimulus package! An agenda this ambitious hasn’t been seen in Washington since the days of LBJ! And we passed it!

And it’s true: they have indeed done all these things. But it is also beside the point.

In the final analysis, the measure of a President is not how many programs he passes, or how sweeping those programs are. It’s how those initiatives impact the lives of the American people. The bills and the programs are not the ball game; they are merely the ball.

And while it is true that the Obama agenda has been legislatively ambitious, it has also been, in practical terms, invisible to people outside Washington, D.C. A stimulus was passed, true; but it was so severely gimped that it barely dented the unemployment rate. Health reform was passed, true; but the parts that will touch most peoples’ lives won’t take effect until 2014. Financial reform was passed, true; but the “too big to fail” banks that dragged us into financial crisis managed to pull most of its teeth. And so forth.

Plenty of bills have been passed, in other words; but for the average American, very little has changed in their daily lives. They still live in fear of losing their job or their health insurance. They still struggle under the burden of crushing credit card interest and deceptive fees from their banks. They still see their government run with greater concern for the tender sensibilities of hedge fund billionaires than for the future of the middle class.

They voted for change, but when they look around, there is precious little change to be seen.

Contrast these past two years to the two years after Franklin Delano Roosevelt took office. Unlike Obama, Roosevelt understood that in order to restore confidence in a time of depression, people had to see things around them changing. There had to be unmissable signs that the old days — the days of fear and uncertainty — were really over.

So when Roosevelt set up his First Hundred Days — the brace of legislation that he set about passing immediately upon taking office — it didn’t just include a push for legislation to insure bank depositors wouldn’t lose their savings if the bank collapsed; he closed the banks for a week, to make the point that their business was being well and truly reorganized. It didn’t just include a push for a National Recovery Administration to fight deflation; it urged businesses participating in the NRA’s “fair competition” programs to display a new symbol, the Blue Eagle, to show customers that they were doing their part to turn things around. And Blue Eagles were soon found in shop windows across America.

NRA poster

The point of this comparison isn’t to say that Roosevelt was an unmitigated genius. Plenty of early New Deal projects ended up failing, including the NRA, which was struck down as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in 1935. But by the time that happened, the point had been made; even people who paid no attention to politics whatsoever could see while going about their everyday lives that Roosevelt was taking action, trying things, and in times of crisis Americans prefer a President who tries things and fails to one who appears to be trying nothing at all. And they demonstrated this in the 1934 midterm elections by giving the Democrats an even bigger majority than they had won on Roosevelt’s coattails in 1932.

The irony is this: for all the cries from the Right that Obama is a dangerous radical with revolutionary ambitions, he has led his party into unpopularity by being too cautious — too unwilling to use his power to affect peoples’ lives directly, especially when doing so would risk confrontation with powerful lobbies and entrenched interests.

Now, based on his remarks noted above, I imagine Robert Gibbs would probably say that this criticism is unfair. We weren’t lucky enough to have the Congress FDR had, he’d argue; we had to compromise, had to go for the half loaf, because it was all we could get from them. What we got was the best that could be gotten.

And perhaps that, too, is true. But it, too, is also beside the point.

The reputations of Presidents are not made by one and only one thing: accomplishment. Presidents who get things done are remembered fondly; Presidents who do not, or cannot, are swiftly forgotten.

Is this fair? Maybe, maybe not. But it’s the nature of the job. And Barack Obama wasn’t drafted for this job; he sought it out. He’s a smart, well-educated man; presumably he knew, at least to some degree, what he was getting into.

When he was President, Harry Truman had a sign on his desk to remind him of this fact. It read “The Buck Stops Here.

The Buck Stops Here

That’s how our system works. If you want to be President, you have to accept that you will be judged by your accomplishments — not your legislative accomplishments, mind you, but accomplishments that ordinary people can see and feel and hear.

How many lives did you make better, Mr. President? How much suffering did you ameliorate? How many American dreams did you help your people realize? These are the metrics by which a President’s legacy is measured, not how many bills you passed.

This, then, is the tragedy of Barack Obama: he has focused on amassing an impressive portfolio of legislative accomplishments, only to discover that passing all those bills is, by itself, not enough. It has not led to the real-world accomplishments that his Administration and party will be judged on when voters go to the polls in November. And confronted with a situation where they are evaluated by standards that can’t be found in the Congressional Record, they seem lost at sea.

As they consider how to turn that trend around, it might be useful for the President and his advisors to take Truman’s desk sign to heart. The problems they face are only reflected by their critics, not created by them. They have it within their power to turn things around, to change the trajectory of history — or, at least, to make a creditable attempt! — if they want to.

The office where Barack Obama sits is the same one that Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman sat in, after all. Even today, the buck still stops there.


Sweet, Sweet Tab Candy

Over on his blog, Mozilla’s Aza Raskin has announced that the prototype feature known as “Tab Candy,” aimed at improving the user experience of working with multiple tabs in Firefox, has been approved (under a new name) for inclusion in Firefox 4:

I am happy to announce that Tab Candy is coming to Firefox 4. Starting today, Tab Candy will be called Firefox Panorama and be available as a feature in Firefox betas. Head to the Firefox 4 feature list, or watch the video below, to learn how to organize your tabs into groups and reclaim your browsing experience from clutter and information overload.

Here’s that video he was talking about:

Firefox Panorama: How To from Aza Raskin on Vimeo.

It looks pretty nifty; I currently use (and recommend) the Tree Style Tab extension to make large numbers of tabs more manageable, but there’s no reason why Firefox should even need an extension to deal with that scenario, and Tab Candy/Panorama looks pretty elegant, so I’m looking forward to taking it for a spin.

According to Aza, Panorama should be showing up in Firefox’s beta channel shortly; you can get on the Firefox 4 beta train here.


Gun It, Peggy

Peggy Going In Circles

Kind of hypnotic, no?